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북녘 | [Reminiscences]Chapter 3 8. The Path Taken by Cha Kwang Su

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작성자 편집국 작성일20-05-24 21:15 댓글0건


  [Reminiscences]Chapter 3 8. The Path Taken by Cha Kwang Su



8. The Path Taken by Cha Kwang Su

When I recall my Jilin days, many unforgettable faces appear before my mind’s eye. In their forefront there is always Cha Kwang Su.

It was in the spring of 1927 that I first met him. It was Choe Chang Gol who introduced him to me. After Hwasong Uisuk School had closed down Choe Chang Gol served in the Independence Army in Sanyuanpu, Liuhe County, which was a Jongui-bu base.

One day his\orderly unexpectedly visited me, carrying a slip of paper. On the slip he had written that he hoped that I would meet Cha Kwang Su who would soon arrive in Jilin\and that he himself would come to Jilin before long.

A spectacled young man with his head inclined somewhat to one side appeared before me a few days later when I was leaving the Young Christians’ Hall after giving a lecture. He asked me if I knew Choe Chang Gol. When I said yes, he silently held out his hand for a handshake. This was Cha Kwang Su.

That day Cha Kwang Su made me speak a great deal while he spoke only a little; he asked questions\and I replied.

He left without saying\where he was going, giving me the impression that he was brusque\and hard to approach.
Not long after that Choe Chang Gol came to Jilin as he had promised. The leadership of Jongui-bu\and its central guard squad were in Jilin, the latter at the barracks outside the Xinkai Gate. Choe Chang Gol’s company needed to send a messenger to the central guard squad. Taking advantage of the opportunity, Choe Chang Gol came to Jilin.

I told him what Cha Kwang Su\and I had talked about\and what my first impression of him was. I added that he did not seem to want to open his heart to me as yet.

Choe Chang Gol said, “When I met him I, too, received the same impression, but when you get sufficiently acquainted with him, you will find him to be an honest man.”

One day the commander of the company of the Independence Army to which Choe Chang Gol belonged was informed that a teacher at Liushuhezi School was conducting communist propaganda.

The company commander told him to arrest the teacher\and bring him immediately.
Choe Chang Gol sent some men who were under his influence, giving them an earnest warning in the fear that they, who regarded communists as heretics, might treat Cha Kwang Su badly.

The Independence Army men had supper in the house\where Cha Kwang Su was staying. The supper they were served seemed to have been very humble. When they put a spoonful of cooked millet into their water -filled bowls, dead moths\and bran rose to the surface. Seeing this they, accustomed to being treated well, blustered, “Is this food? Your attitude to Independence Army men is not good.”
At this Cha Kwang Su said in defence of the master of the house, “This family eats only vegetables, without any grain. To offer you hospitality he borrowed some millet rom a landlord’s family\and cooked it for you. It is not the host who prepared the food for you who is to blame but the landlord who lent him bad millet.”

Listening to Cha Kwang Su, the Independence Army men who had been shouting angrily fell silent. He had been right\and they could not find fault with him.

The Independence Army men finally gave up the idea of arresting Cha Kwang Su, finding him likable. Having returned empty-handed, they told their commander that Cha Kwang Su was not a communist but a great patriot.

Choe Chang Gol said that he himself had met Cha Kwang Su\and found him worth getting to know. Choe Chang Gol always behaved sincerely to anyone, once he considered him to be good.

If Choe Chang Gol thought him good, he must be good, I believed.
Cha Kwang Su again came to me without previous notice a week after Choe Chang Gol had left. He said he had been to Jilin for a while to take the air\and abruptly asked me my opinion on the alliance with the nationalists.

In those days the question of an alliance with the nationalists was being hotly discussed by the communists after Jiang Jie-shi’s betrayal of the Chinese Communist Party. It was taken as a touchstone, so to speak, to tell the genuine communist rom the opportunist. That is why, I think, on meeting me he asked me my view on the alliance with the nationalists. Jiang Jie-shi’s treachery created complications for the Chinese revolution.

Before Jiang Jie-shi’s treachery the Chinese revolution had been on a brisk upsurge. The cooperation between the Chinese Communist Party\and the Kuomintang had been a powerful factor promoting the revolution.

In the latter half of the 1920s the Chinese revolution went over to overthrowing the reactionary rule through the revolutionary war. The National Revolutionary Army which started a northern expedition in the summer of 1926 under the slogans “Down with imperialism!” “Down with the warlords!”\and “Eliminate the feudal forces!” seized Hunan, Hubei, Jiangxi, Fujian\and other provinces\and occupied the main cities along the River Yangzi, thus bringing pressure to bear on the Zhang Zuo-lin-led reactionary warlords who held the area up to Huabei under the manipulation of the Japanese imperialists.

The workers in Shanghai seized the city, bravely rising in revolt three times,\and the people of Wuhan\and Jiujiang, encouraged by the victory of the northern expedition, took back the British concession. The workers went on a general strike in response to the attack of the northern expeditionary army,\and the peasants together with the workers took part in the northern expeditionary campaign en masse at the risk of their lives.

At this juncture Jiang Jie- shi began to wreck the cooperation between the Communist Party\and Kuomintang\and to betray the revolution. In\order to achieve hegemony over the revolution he began to remove communists rom the leadership of the Kuomintang\and the government through conspiracy\and worked to hold behind-the-scenes negotiations for receiving support rom the imperialist powers.

Cha Kwang Su greatly regretted this, saying that if Jiang Jie-shi had not betrayed it, the Chinese revolution could have advanced further,\and the question of an alliance with the nationalists could not have been so seriously considered.

When the Guangdong revolutionary base was consolidated\and the northern expedition developed, Jiang Jie-shi immediately established a military dictatorship\and went over to a fascist terrorist campaign against the Communist Party. He concocted the incident of the warship Zhongshan in March 1926\and, following that, removed Zhou En-lai\and all the other communists rom the Huangpu Military Academy\and rom the First Army of the National Revolutionary Army. Then, in March 1927, he forcibly dissolved the Nanchang city party\and Jiujiang city party which supported Sun Yat-sen’s three policies\and on March 31 he\ordered a raid on the Mass Meeting Hall in Chongqing which resulted in the massacre of the citizens.

On April 12, 1927, he committed the barbarous massacre of the revolutionary masses in Shanghai. The waves of this bloodbath spread to the provinces.

Following this incident, the Chinese revolution went into a period of temporary decline.
Pointing to the need to draw a lesson rom the current state of the Chinese revolution, some people within the international communist movement even came forward with the extremist argument that communists should not join hands with nationalists.

Such an idea seemed to have influenced Cha Kwang Su.

The stand we had advocated since forming the DIU was that the Korean communists should join hands with the nationalists for national liberation.

That day I said to Cha Kwang Su, “Some degenerate Korean nationalists are advocating ‘self-government’\and national reformism, giving in to the Japanese imperialists, but conscientious nationalists\and intellectuals are fighting at home\and abroad for the independence of Korea without yielding. The Korean nationalists who are experiencing the barbarous colonial rule of the Japanese imperialists have a strong anti-Japanese spirit. So, we should join hands with these nationalists\and non-comprador capitalists.”
This opinion on the question of alliance with the nationalists was derived rom our own understanding of nationalism. We regarded in those days\and are still regarding nationalism as a patriotic trend of thought which first emerged on the arena of the national liberation struggle.

Originally nationalism appeared as a progressive idea that championed national interests.
It can be said that nationalism came out on the arena of history, advocating “independence\and sovereignty,” “national defence\and public welfare,”\and “the expulsion of the Westerner\and Japanese invaders,” upholding a torch of reform, at a time when the destiny of the country was at stake because of the recurrent troubles both at home\and rom abroad with the decline of monarchism\and under the pressure of foreign forces that compelled Korea to open the door. It accorded with the law of historical development that nationalism emerged\and became a guiding idea of the masses at a time when the national sovereignty was trampled upon by outside forces\and the country was turning into an arena of competition by the great powers for wresting concessions.

It is unfair to view that nationalism was the idea of the capitalist class rom the outset simply because the newly-emerging bourgeoisie led the national movement under the banner of nationalism.

During the period of bourgeois-national movement against feudalism the interests of the popular masses coincided, in the main, with those of the newly-emerging bourgeoisie. Therefore, nationalism represented the common interests of a nation.

Later, as capitalism developed\and the bourgeoisie became a reactionary ruling class, nationalism became an ideological instrument of the capitalist class for defending its interests. So we must always distinguish genuine nationalism that truly defends national interests rom bourgeois nationalism, an ideological instrument that represents the interests of the capitalist class. If we identify one with the other, we may commit grave mistakes in the revolutionary practice.

We reject\and guard against bourgeois nationalism, but we support\and welcome genuine nationalism because the ideological feelings that constitute the basis of genuine nationalism emanate rom patriotism: Patriotism is an ideological feeling that is common to communists\and nationalists; it is the greatest common ground that enables both of them to live in concord, cooperate\and unite with each other on the same national\orbit. Love of the country\and nation is the main artery that connects communism with genuine nationalism\and a motive force of leading genuine nationalism to cooperate with communism.

In the past the genuine nationalists performed great exploits in the struggle for modernizing the country\and taking back the usurped land rom the invaders under the banner of patriotism.

Now in our country there exist different systems\and ideologies in the north\and south, but we are making a stubborn struggle to reunify the divided country with a strong conviction that we can do it because we see the real possibility of achieving the great cause of national unity in patriotism which is common to both the communists\and the genuine nationalists. It is immutable that genuine nationalism means patriotism for our homogeneous nation. So, I always attached great importance to unity\and cooperation with true, patriotic nationalists\and regarded this unity\and cooperation as a sure guarantee for victory in our revolution. This has been my view\and standpoint ever since I was in the youth\and student movement. On the day when I met Cha Kwang Su I also emphasized that we must distinguish between genuine nationalism\and bourgeois nationalism.

Having heard me out, he clasped my hands\and passionately spoke my name, “Song Ju.”
I don’t think that the reason I succeeded in persuading him was that I was strong in theory. My way of thinking\and my stand of judging all problems on the basis of the actual situation in Korea\and attaching great importance to revolutionary practice, not to doctrinairism, seem to have aroused his sympathy.

From then on Cha Kwang Su began to open his mind to me. His attitude towards me changed rapidly. Until then I had mainly spoken\and he had questioned\and listened,\whereas rom then on he spoke freely without my asking.

As I talked frankly with him, I discovered him to be a fine man. He was seven years older than me. He had studied at a university in Japan. He was good at writing\and making speeches. Being kind-hearted, he was liked by many young people\and was popular as a specialist in Marxism. When Cha Kwang Su\and Pak So Sim had an argument over Marxism, neither of them wanted to be beaten by the other.

Kim Chan, the head of the Tuesday group, would have a hard time when he argued with Cha Kwang Su. He could not beat Cha Kwang Su in any debate on Marxism. Cha Kwang Su had been in awe of Kim Chan as a major figure in the communist party, but after meeting him several times, he treated him like a secondary school student. When Sin Il Yong rom the Seoul-Shanghai group was made to contend against Cha Kwang Su he, too, could not beat him.

Cha Kwang Su walked with his head inclined slightly to the left. He had got into this habit because he had had a boil on his neck as a child\and had used to walk with his head inclined, he told me.

He came rom North Phyongan Province. The villagers said that he was a bright boy in his early years\and in his teens he went to Japan\and studied in the difficult conditions there. It was around that time that he read books on Marxism-Leninism\and began to yearn after communism.

The communist movement in Japan was on the decline when Cha Kwang Su was working his way through school, embracing the new trend. The Communist Party of Japan was seriously weakened by the first arrest of the core elements of its leadership in June 1923, a short time after its foundation,\and by the white terrorism during the great earthquakes in the Kanto area. Later it was dissolved due to the machinations of the opportunists who wormed their way into the leadership. It was absurd for Cha Kwang Su to read Marx’s books\and plan some kind of movement in Japan\where the communist movement was on a decline.

Cha Kwang Su returned to Seoul. There he met people who were allegedly engaged in the communist movement. However there were so many groups who advocated the same Marxism-Leninism\and their combination was so complicated that he could not make head\or tail of them.

In\order to judge which group was right in its arguments\and to find the way for him to take, Cha Kwang Su took time to study the history of the early communist movement in our country, its genealogy\and its different branches. It was like working his way through a labyrinth.

There were many groups—parties of three here\and groups of five there. The groups were opposed to one another but, in fact, had no essential differences in ideological stand\and political view.

When Cha Kwang Su had been in the homeland, he deemed the Ragyang Restaurant incident the meanest of the factionalists’ actions, he said. When people rom the Tuesday group\and the North Wind group held a meeting at the Ragyang Restaurant, people rom the Seoul group who were opposed to the collusion between the two groups raided the place\and seriously injured some of them. The seriously wounded people brought an action in the Japanese court against the assailants rom the Seoul group. A few days after the incident the people rom the North Wind group attacked some people rom the Seoul group\and seriously injured them. Then the seriously wounded people rom the Seoul group, in their turn, filed an action in the Japanese court against the offenders rom the North Wind group.

The factional strife went so far that each group formed a terrorist band to counter other groups.
Cha Kwang Su had lamented day\and night, wondering how people who were allegedly engaged in the communist movement could degenerate to such an extent,\and after serious thought had left Seoul for Manchuria. This was because he entertained a slight hope that he could get in touch with the Comintern in Manchuria which bordered the Soviet\union\and that he could find a new path for the Korean communist movement. But in Manchuria he read the declaration of the Jongu Association.

In the declaration of the Jongu Association the factionalists proposed to hold open discussions instead of slandering one another\and thus save the Korean communist movement rom factional strife,\and they stressed the need to open up the genuine path for the masses through theoretical debate.

If open discussions had been held as the declaration proposed, it would have benefited the Japanese special services but not the Korean communist movement.

After the founding of the Communist Party of Korea the Tuesday group, which was opposed to the Seoul group\and engaged in factional strife with it, published in a newspaper a list of 72 members of the preparatory committee for a meeting of mass movement champions which they were preparing in\order to display its strength. But this was nothing more than openly informing against the cadres of the communist party whom the factionalists, who were hell-bent on hegemony, were handing over to the Japanese imperialists. With the help of this list the Japanese imperialists made a sweeping arrest of the cadres of the communist party. Almost all the members of the Tuesday group were arrested\and thrown into prison.

If an open debate was held as the factionalists proposed, ignoring this lesson, it was clear what would happen.
Cha Kwang Su, who knew a lot about Japan, denounced the declaration of the Jongu Association as a replica of the Hukumoto doctrine, an opportunist trend revealed within the Japanese communist movement.

Hukumoto stressed that, for the restoration of the party, the pure elements alone should be rallied after those with pure revolutionary ideas had been separated rom those with impure ideas through a theoretical debate. His argument was divisive\and factional\and did great harm to the Japanese labour movement.

Cha Kwang Su spat on the declaration of the Jongu Association which copied Hukumoto’s theory,\and he rejected it.
Disgusted with the criminal acts of the factionalists he left for Liuhe. He decided to become a rural teacher\and lead a quiet life, while implanting the national spirit in the children’s minds. In the meantime, having met Choe Chang Gol, he came to Jilin with an introduction rom him.

As he trod a foreign land in the cold rain, he yearned for the right course of struggle\and the appearance of a leader capable of giving him strength\and hope, he owned.

After talking about his life, he said aloud, “Song Ju, can we conduct a movement, believing in\and loving one another? I mean, without factional strife\and a fight for hegemony.”

This appeal reflected the experience of his life\and the lesson he had learned after roaming the length\and breadth of a foreign country, seeking the path of revolution.
Holding his hand, I said with a strong feeling that we, the new generation, should closely unite in thought\and purpose\and take the straight path of revolution instead of taking the path of disunity like the factionalists.

He told me of the genuine feeling he had entertained when introduced to me by Choe Chang Gol. Hearing that I was conducting the student movement in Jilin, he wondered how much I, a secondary school student, knew about Marxism-Leninism\and the communist movement, if anything at all,\and decided to size me up, he owned frankly. That was why at first I took him as a taciturn man, although in truth he was sociable\and lively.

He soon became a member of our DIU.

That summer I sent Cha Kwang Su to Xinantun. Xinantun, which was situated a little to the west of the road rom Jilin to Changchun, was a small village which some Korean patriots had developed as an ideal village. It was one of the small number of bases for the political movement among the Korean settlements in Manchuria. If the village was made revolutionary, it could provide initial access to the peasant masses. I wanted to entrust Cha Kwang Su with this task.

When I told him to go to Xinantun village\and work there, he gave me a dubious look. He asked me, part joking\and part in earnest, why I was sending him to the countryside after he had come up rom the countryside to join the movement. He was wondering what he could do in a small country village when others were going about in Seoul, Tokyo, Shanghai\and other big cities conducting the movement\and, unsatisfied even with this, were visiting the Comintern. He opposed the old way of conducting the movement, but was still shackled by the accepted ideas.

I said the following to him: “It is wrong to think that only when one is ensconced in a big city can one make the revolution. We should not draw distinctions between the city\and the countryside if there are people there. The overwhelming majority of our population is peasants. A large proportion of the Koreans in Manchuria live in the countryside. Without going among the peasants it is impossible to enlist the people in the cause of national liberation\or to think about the victory of the communist movement in our country. I want to go to the countryside\and work there after finishing school. It is wrong to think that only those who frequent the Comintern have dignity as communists. Communists respect the Comintern because the cause of the working class assumes an international character\and because only when the working class of the world is united can it break the international shackles of capital. Only when we make sincere efforts to discharge the national\and international duties devolving upon us can we gain the recognition of the Comintern\and hasten the longed-for day of national liberation. Those who are now allegedly engaged in the movement all move up—to the county town rom the countryside, to the capital rom the county town\and to the Comintern rom the capital. People suppose that only by moving up can they gain the recognition of others. What if those who are allegedly making the revolution for the proletarian masses continuously move up, leaving the masses behind? Let us go down. Let us go down among the workers\and peasants.”

“Let us go down instead of up,” Cha Kwang Su repeated these words earnestly to himself\and remained in thought for a while. Then he said aloud, thumping the desk, “What a good idea!”

With Cha Kwang Su’s appearance the core force of the DIU was reinforced. It meant that within our movement there was a prominent theoretician capable of countering the major figures rom the upper levels of the Communist Party of Korea.

From then on Cha Kwang Su shared good times\and bad with us for more than three years. He rendered immortal services in developing the youth\and student movement, promoting the process of making the masses revolutionary\and laying the foundation for the anti-Japanese armed struggle. The fact that the Xinantun, Jiangdong, Jiaohe, Guyushu, Kalun, Wujiazi\and Liuhe areas became revolutionary is linked to his name.

He at first took part in making the Korean villages around Jilin revolutionary\and then together with Kim Won U, Kye Yong Chun, Zhang Wei-hua, Pak Kun Won, Ri Jong Rak, Pak Cha Sok\and others, he rallied the young people in the Korean settlements in Liuhe, south Manchuria\and in Kalun, Guyushu, Wujiazi\and other areas of central Manchuria, with Jilin as the centre. In later years he took part in founding the Anti-Japanese People’s Guerrilla Army in the Antu area.

Wherever he went, he made friends easily with people, because he was sociable. People liked\and respected him because he was lively, well-read\and talkative. The lessons in the social sciences he conducted at Samgwang School in Guyushu were popular with the students\and they used to wait for his lessons with great expectation\and interest. He delivered lectures on many occasions for young people\and students\and peasants\and taught them many songs. The memorial address he delivered at the memorial service for Paek Sin Han was spoken about widely.

Xinantun was the place Cha Kwang Su visited most frequently. He taught at Kilhung School there for some time, staying with the school superintendent,\and gave revolutionary education to the peasants, young people\and students\and women of the village\and made the village revolutionary by rallying them in the Anti-Imperialist Youth League, Peasants’ Association, Women’s Association\and Children’s Association.

Xinantun had been under the influence of the nationalists\and factionalists. As the factionalists, on their occasional visits, had made absurd remarks about the proletarian revolution, the village elders\and old people who were swayed by feudal customs shook their heads at the mention of socialism.

So, at first Cha Kwang Su had difficulty in gaining access there. Having obtained the front room of a house, he renovated it, having its walls papered. Then he invited a couple of learned old men to his room,\and persuaded them to conduct propaganda among the old people.

Every evening old men with their pipes at their waists would come to Cha Kwang Su’s room to chat. Then an old man, as planned by Cha Kwang Su, told them interesting stories, he had prepared, interlacing them with remarks on the revolution such as “It is now a bad time. If the world is to be reformed it is necessary to do away with the landlords, to begin with.”

After educating the old people like this, he opened an evening school, gave lectures\and danced\and sang songs, mixing with the people. In this way he enlivened the village. The village people took an active part in the revolutionary work, saying that they were not opposed to the socialism which Cha Kwang Su advocated.

After Cha Kwang Su had settled in Xinantun I used to visit him on Saturdays after school.
We used to have to change into peasants’ clothes in the kaoliang\or maize field in the outskirts of Jilin to evade the enemy’s surveillance.

In Xinantun, I heard his experiences\and helped him in his work. In the course of this I obtained a deeper understanding of him\and he, of me.

One day Cha Kwang Su came to Jilin\and took me to Beishan Park. When we were sitting in the shade of a tree, he said that there was a man called Ho Ryul who was worthy of attention. According to him, he had had a hand in revolutionary work since attending Dongxing Middle School in Longjing. A short time before he came to Jilin to enrol in the law college but gave it up because of a problem with the school fees, he said.

Cha Kwang Su took an interest in Ho Ryul because of his background. Ho Ryul was sent to Jilin by Kim Chan, he said. At that time Cha Kwang Su harboured illusions about Kim Chan.

I was surprised at what he said.

Kim Chan was a major figure in the early communist movement in our country. He was in charge of the propaganda section for the first communist party\and played a leading role in founding the second communist party. Threatened with arrest later, he went to Shanghai\and formed the Shanghai branch of the Communist Party of Korea. A representative of the Tuesday group, Kim Chan was the\organizer of the “general bureau in Manchuria” of the Communist Party of Korea.

He dispatched young people under his influence to Jilin because he was very interested in us. As the rumour spread that we were launching the youth\and student movement under the banner of communism in Jilin, he turned his attention to us. As our force expanded, he tried to exert his influence upon us by sending the cleverest of his men.

Kim Chan himself came to Jilin\and met many young people\and students. He delivered lectures on many occasions. I attended one of his lectures. Told that an “authority on Marxism” was going to deliver a lecture, Cha Kwang Su\and I went to Ri Kum Chon’s house outside the Dadong Gate\where Kim Chan was staying. We were disappointed at the absurd remarks he made which were detrimental to revolutionary practice.

That day Kim Chan spoke ill of other groups, qualifying his group as the “orthodox” one of the Korean revolution. He went so far as to put forward the absurd argument that, since the Korean revolution was a proletarian one, only workers\and poor peasants could be the motive force of the revolution\and no other non-proletarian elements could form the motive force.

As I listened to his speech, I realized that this was a dangerous sophistry which might confuse the people\and do great harm to the revolutionary practice,\and that without fighting his sophistry it would be impossible for us to lead the communist movement along the right path.

Cha Kwang Su said that he shared my opinion, even though he had previously been in awe of Kim Chan.
In those days the factionalists stretched their hands out to young people everywhere in\order to expand their forces.
An Kwang Chon rom the M-L group, wearing a white Korean overcoat, came to Jilin to expand his group, behaving as if he were the “leader” of the communist movement. He had once been the chief secretary of the M-L group-led communist party\and thought very highly of himself. Many people in Jilin worshipped him as an “authority on Marxism.”

Because Cha Kwang Su said that An Kwang Chon was a famous theoretician, I met him twice in the hope that I might hear rom him something helpful to us in our activities. On meeting him, I found he was good at making speeches, like Kim Chan.

At first everyone admired his speech, but our impression of him was reversed before long. He made foolish remarks which ignored the mass movement. He said that it was possible to emerge victorious in the revolution without the mass struggle if the help of the Comintern\or of the great powers was enlisted. He emphasized that a small country like Korea should attain her independence with the help of the great powers instead of launching a mass struggle\and shedding blood in vain. This absurd sophistry was like a castle built on sand.

Thinking that he was a doctrinarian like Kim Chan, I said to his face that I did not understand him.
“Why did you form the communist party if you make light of the mass struggle? Why are you conducting the communist movement? Why do you come to Jilin to rouse people to the revolution?” I asked. I countered him, saying that if we did not awaken the masses to ideological awareness\and rally\and rouse them to the struggle, we could not emerge victorious in the struggle with only a few people forming the leadership of the communist party,\and that it was wild daydream to try to win independence with the help of others without believing in one’s own people.

He said that only those who had tasted the bitters\and sweets of life could understand those things, speaking to us as if we were on too low a level\and not a match for him,\and he laughed aloud before leaving.

From then on we had nothing more to do with him.

Then the factionalists came out with the Left opportunist theory that “The Korean revolution is a proletarian revolution”\and “Let us build a socialist society first in the Korean settlement in Manchuria on a trial basis,”\and the Right opportunist theory that “The national bourgeoisie should seize hegemony in the revolution since the Korean revolution is a bourgeois democratic one\and its immediate aim is to achieve national liberation.”

Some factionalists deemed it impossible to conduct a political movement, although an ideological movement was possible, in such an unfavourable political situation as that in Korea, others said that “Priority should be given to independence over revolution,” while yet others perplexed the masses with the ultra-revolutionary slogan “Let us oppose capitalism\and carry out the world proletarian revolution.”

Cha Kwang Su\and I had theoretical battle with Sin Il Yong\and his like as well.
We met many factionalists\and they were without exception snobs, bigoted flunkeyists\or dogmatists obsessed with fame-seeking\and petty-bourgeois heroism.

That day I dissuaded Cha Kwang Su rom harbouring any illusions about Kim Chan, however famous he might be, because he was a bigoted factionalist,\and I said that when we approach anyone we should consider his ideas, his attitude toward the revolution\and his views on the people before his fame, life history\and position.

Cha Kwang Su said that he had harboured illusion
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